The Land Past the Horizon

From Small Beginnings
Our story begins with a single man. His name, who he was, this is forgotten to history. Regardless of who he was or what his name was, he was a man who‘s influence on history would be great. One day, when wandering away into the swamp, he came across some strange plants. He took them back to others like him, not thinking much about his decision. The plants he found would be noted by his people for there usefulness, and as the generations passed they would begin to be cultivated. Long after the man had died and his name forgotten, his legacy lived on.

* * *
Agriculture was developed in numerous places during what is called to some “the Neolithic Revolution.” Major centers of domestication would emerge in the Levant, in Egypt, in Mesoamerica, in China, in the Andes, on the Indus, and in New Guinea’s Wahgi Valley. All of these centers of domestication would go on to become “cradles of civilization”, developing more complex societies than the world had ever seen before. All except the last one, that is. Despite New Guinea’s early lead in domestication, it would fall behind the others of its ilk.

At least, that’s what happened in our timeline. In another reality, things may have gone many different of possible ways. Psophocarpus tetragonolobus, better known as the winged bean, is an underutilized but extremely useful crop native to New Guinea. “Discovered” by Japanese occupation forces during World War II but collected(but not cultivated) by native foragers long before that, it is self-pollinating, can endure the most nutrient-poor of soil and the heaviest of rainfall. In another timeline, what is known to us as the Kuk Swamp culture began the cultivation of winged beans. And with this one change, history would never be the same
 
Beginnings of Civilization
As agriculture spread throughout the New Guinea Highlands, civilization would soon follow. The first civilization in New Guinea would be that of the Chambri[1]. The Chambri civilization developed along the Sepik River. The Chambri would begin to develop a more complex civilization, as several urban centers would develop along the Sepik. As advanced civilization developed among the Chambri, several aspects of their culture would begin to change.

The Chambri culture would become more aristocratic with the advent of civilization. The traditional Chambri rite of passage, in which the skin on a Chambri’s back is scarred to look like a crocodile’s scales[2] increasingly came to be practiced only by the aristocratic and priest classes, with commoners leaving their backs unscarred. The animistic religion of the Chambri became institutionalized, with a class of priests developing and a temple being in the center of every Chambri city. Different city states would have different patron deities, similar to in Mesopotamia.

Something very peculiar about the Chambri is that each city state was led by a queen rather than a king[3]. That is not to say that the Chambri were matriarchal, far from it. While women traditionally held positions of political power, they could not legally own land unless they were a widow, and men controlled the militaries, clergies, and bureaucracies of the city states. The queen of a Chambri city state was effectively a solely religious position, with the queen’s chief consort actually running the city’s government. The chief consort was always the queen’s vizier, who was elected by the aristocracy and arranged to be married with the queen. Among commoners, gender roles were more egalitarian. Polyandry was practiced in the royal families of city states, while polygyny was practiced by the aristocracy. Arranged marriages were common.

The Chambri would expand throughout New Guinea, supplanting most of the pre-existing tribes and becoming the dominant culture on the island[4]. Despite this, New Guinea’s rugged geography meant that no city state was ever able to unify the Chambri for any longer that a generation. Warfare between city states was constant, not with the goal of conquest but for religious reasons. The Chambri would wage ritualistic wars against rival city states with the intention of obtaining prisoners of war who would be sacrificed and eaten[5]. Cannibalism was practiced by the aristocratic and priest classes as part of religious rituals[6].

For commoners, life was simpler. Chambri commoners were divided into those who were free and those who were enslaved. Free Chambri commoners were mostly farmers and fishermen. Despite not being slaves, free commoners still couldn’t own land and instead lived on aristocrats’ estates. They would have to pay taxes to the city state and could be conscripted into aristocrat-led armies, but otherwise had as good a life as any other Bronze Age-era people would have. Slaves were mainly used for construction projects, cleaning the cities, managing their owners’ estates, and used as backup sacrifices during times of peace. As the Chambri civilization continued, another major class would develop in the form of the merchants. As trade between different city states flourished, the merchant class would grow more powerful. And it wouldn’t be before long that civilization would spread beyond the Chambri.



[1]They exist IOTL

[2]The Chambri ITTL and IOTL believed that they were descended from crocodiles and scarred their backs to look like scales as a coming-of-age ceremony

[3]The Chambri IOTL are unique in that women are the primary leaders and food-suppliers

[4]This unfortunately means that New Guinea’s IOTL ethnic and linguistic diversity is gone

[6]IIRC, New Guinea’s only major domesticated animals are pigs, chickens, and dogs. Similar to the Aztecs IOTL, TTL’s Chambri resort to cannibalism, which was common amongst New Guinean tribes IOTL, as a major source of protein.

[5]Think Aztec Flower Wars or Māori tribal warfare, but between city states
 
At least, that’s what happened in our timeline. In another reality, things may have gone many different of possible ways. Psophocarpus tetragonolobus, better known as the winged bean, is an underutilized but extremely useful crop native to New Guinea. “Discovered” by Japanese occupation forces during World War II but collected(but not cultivated) by native foragers long before that, it is self-pollinating, can endure the most nutrient-poor of soil and the heaviest of rainfall. In another timeline, what is known to us as the Kuk Swamp culture began the cultivation of winged beans. And with this one change, history would never be the same
I have been going through "Against the Grain" of recent and bro makes the argument that Grain using civilizations form states(now the way he uses the term state implies he doesn't consider like Eurasian Pastoralists or African Forest region civilizations states but that might just be the norm of the era speaking through him or him specifically only considering states with complex bureaucracies as applying) cuz Grains are more easily domesticated to ripen at once(unlike legumes) and being overland is easy to sieze and count by a tax collector and has to be taken off the field at once or rots(unlike tubers) thus.

While Wallen's fictional earth Jaredia, he implies that the reason is because its in the highlands that civilization could take place(with farming) which was broken up by geography and isolated from external civilized and uncivilized pressures.(So like a Caucasus Island, kinda).

Just wanted to throw those there. Tuber civilizations still developed in the West African forest region and the Andeas, also arguably Amazonia(might not qualify) and the Philippines(might just be the peripheral zone of two civilizations) and selectively breeding legumes to ripen at the same time and those that don't ripen to be close enough to, to react to being cut off by ripening is also there.
 
Exciting new evidence shows that the human settlement of New Guinea has an antiquity equal to that of Australia, together with even more startling implications regarding the beginning of horticulture. The evidence comes from uplifted limestone sea-shore terraces on the Huon peninsula, north-east of Lae. The Huon terraces are one of the best sets of fossil Pleistocene coastlines anywhere in the world. The terraces rise like a giant flight of steps out of the sea; each ‘tread’ is an ancient coral reef now raised up high above modern sea-level. The Huon peninsula is bounded by offshore volcanoes and lies at the collision point between three of the earth’s plates. Massive earth movements, earthquakes and volcanic eruptions to which New Guinea is subject have raised the coral reef formed at the shoreline 120,000 years ago to 400 m above sea-level. The rate of uplift is 4 mm per year, or about 4 mevery thousand years. On one of the lower terraces, 80 m above sea-level, more than twenty-four weathered axes have been found. These ‘waisted axes’ are large, heavy, stone tools with a flaked cutting edge. A notch flaked out of each side edge gives them a ‘waist’, or an hour-glass shape. The notches are not simply to provide a grip on hand-held stone tools, since some of them are too wide apart for even the largest hand to stretch across. The notches were probably made to aid the attachment of a handle by hafting. These waisted axes were found in a terrace formed 45,000 to 55,000 years ago. With each volcanic episode layers of ash fell on the landscape, encasing the evidence of human occupation. On this terrace under 2 m of tephra were found two waisted axes (Plate 49), a core and some flakes (Groube et al., 1986). These stone artefacts are covered by a layer of tephra dated to an absolute minimum age of 35,000 years, and lie on another tephra layer dated to in excess of 37,000 years. (The dates are thermoluminescence dates obtained by the Australian National University and are regarded by Chappell as reliable (personal communication).) The absolute minimum age for these artefacts is regarded by Chappell and Groube as 37,000 years, and they are probably a few millennia older. This is the first evidence that human occupation of New Guinea is as old as that of Australia. The environment of the camp site on the Huon terrace was probably similar to that of today, with an average annual rainfall of over 2,500 mm (100 inches). The natural vegetation is coastal rain forest, although much of this has been cleared and the region now contains anthropogenic grasslands. About 40,000 years ago the area was probably clad in rain forest, possibly with some sago and mangroves present (Chappell, personal communication). Fire is the main tool used to clear such rain forest nowadays by the slash-and-burn method. It may be that the massive stone axes found by Joe Mangi, a Papua-New Guinean teaching fellow at the University of Port Moresby, and Groube were used for primitive horticulture. In an interview with Groube, the journalist Reinhardt reported: Groube is convinced the Huon axes were used for primitive agriculture. His argument is advanced cautiously into the uncertain along the following lines: ‘The opening up of the dense coastal rain forests must have been an immense problem for the earliest settlers in New Guinea which the massiveness of the Huon tools may reflect.’ ‘Whythese early colonists were attempting to trim back the forest edges, however, is unclear, whether to facilitate hunting or as an early trend towards utilizing the forest plant resources is unknown.’ But in contemporary Papua-New Guinea, Groube points to isolated clans in the remote west of the country who cultivate bananas in the middle of rain forests, simply by axing back enough vegetation cover for sunlight to reach a banana clump. ‘The possiblity undreamt of a few years ago, that the manipulation of rain forest resources, a form of casual “gardening”, might have a Pleistocene antiquity must be seriously considered, altering our views of the emergence of systematic gardening’ he says. ‘The evidence of botanists that many important garden plants are of New Guineainea origin, e.g. sugar cane, pan-danus, breadfruit, probably one of the bananas, perhaps coconuts, possibly the swamp taro and many tree crops, strengthen these hints.’ (Reinhardt, 1985, p. 91) Agriculture was being practised in the highlands of New Guinea 9,000 years ago. The evidence comes from the Wahgi Valley in the central highlands near Mount Hagen (Golson, 1977). When some tea planters drained a swamp in the late 1960s they discovered ancient digging-sticks, wooden paddle-shaped spades and stone axes. These artefacts were associated with many water-control ditches, probably dug to aid the growing of taro (Colocasia esculenta), cultivated for its edible, starchy tuberous root. The earliest ditch, 1 m deep by 2 m wide and some 450 m long, was radiocarbon dated to about 9,000 years ago. Taro, like the pig, is not native to New Guinea, so it must have been introduced. Other archaeological evidence in New Guinea shows that by 5,000 to 6,000 years ago plant cultivation, based on both native and non-native species, forest clearance, relatively permanent village settlements and complex water-management systems had already been developed. Elsewhere in New Guinea evidence of early human activity has come to light. The Huon artefacts are similar in some respects to 26,000-year-old tools from Kosipe– the earliest site previously known in New Guinea (White et al., 1970). The discovery of Pleistocene occupation at Kosipe was a surprise, for it lies in the south-east corner of New Guinea some 1,400 km from the western Ice Age coastline and in the highlands at 2,000 m above the present sea-level. Kosipe is an open camp site on a flat-topped, steep-sided ridge on the southern slopes of Mt Albert Edward, a 3,990 m peak on which there was a glacier and substantial ice area during the late Pleistocene. It thus seems clear that humans were paying at least seasonal visits to the highlands of south-east New Guinea 26,000 years ago, when the snow-line was only some 1,000 m above the camp site and the temperature would have been about 6 ◦C lower than at present.
 
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