TTL Romania is not federal, so there are no governors, regional presidents or regional legislatures. The local elections, in which mayors and members of the local, town or county councils are elected, happen at the same time as the legislative election.
We Require no Protection - A Romania TL
- Thread starter Richthofen
- Start date
TTL Romania is not federal, so there are no governors, regional presidents or regional legislatures. The local elections, in which mayors and members of the local, town or county councils are elected, happen at the same time as the legislative election.
Prefects in OTL Romania are not elected, they are named by the Prime Minister to serve as a liaison between the Government and the local authorities. Since the country's joined the EU they have also been made apolitical, a prefect is not currently allowed to be part of a political party and is part of a bureaucratic corps. There is no such thing as a regional legislature or regional president in OTL Romania. The OTL County Councils and Local Council as well as the TTL ones are not legislative bodies, their task is to provide a check to the mayors' powers and act as a consultative body for local administration. They have been around in OTL Romania since 1864.
But returning to your point about there being precedent of federal institutions in centralized states, you might be correct, although that has hardly been the case for either OTL or TTL Romania due to cultural and historical particularities. In OTL, both the personal union of 1859 and the merger of 1862 were done without the explicit consent of the Great Powers. This meant that if the country looked like a loosely united polity, then it could easily be undone if the GPs so desired, so it was necessary to make it look like a strong permanent union. The same thing happened after 1919 and the incorporation of Eastern Moldavia and Transylvania, everyone needed to know that the country's borders were not negotiable. In TTL, while things are extremely different as the country is entirely capable of fending for itself, the history of two principalities under the Ottoman thumb is still fresh in mind and a federalization would have looked awfully similar to "this can be easily broken apart if we squeeze hard enough".
I know all that.
But, Governors aren't necessarily elected, so it's entirely plausible that County Governors in TTL Romania would be presidentially-appoined cetral/local liaisons, just like OTL Prefects but with a different title.
Well, my Idea is not that of full on federalization, because:
1. The regional government only exists because a national law says so,
2. The regions only deal with topics the (National) law says they can deal with,
3. Even though the regions can legislate on what they deal with, the National Parliament can still do so as well,
4. The Minister of Internal Affairs can fire the Regional Presidents, as well as annul regional laws for the first six months they're in force.
So I think it's enough to still be unitary.
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Prefects do exist in TTL Romania, though. They are mentioned in the Constitution as presidential appointees.
Yup, this is going to be part of a later debate on decentralization and other stuff.
Whoops. Sorry for forgetting that.
Huh. About that... I wrote an idea for a regional decentralization law. Is it okay to PM it to you?
Presidential-appointed governers sounds like Putin's Russia to me.
From what I understand, you are thinking of, as I mentioned earlier, French-like regions? For the Francophone Romania they could definetely be in the cards. I can see the minority-oriented Socialist Party standing for it.
Why has the Parliament increased to 675 members, is the enfranchisement of the Western Plains and the Szèkely Land enough to create a Parliament larger than the US Congress?
And, if Maiorescu ran the Conservative National Convention why didn't he pushed for a Junimist vice-president, like Theodor Rosetti, to balance the ticket?
Also, in this context of a multi-party system, I would like to see the Old Conservaties enter into conflict with the Junimists and they forming they're own Constitutionalist Party, as in OTL.
Also, could you please introduce back Conservative leader Lascăr Catargiu? I find his near absence from this TL unfortunate, since he was one of the greatest Conservative leaders in OTL and lead the Conservatives for almost 20 years. I also find his appointment as VP candidate in 1844, at only 21 years, near ASB.
And, if Maiorescu ran the Conservative National Convention why didn't he pushed for a Junimist vice-president, like Theodor Rosetti, to balance the ticket?
Also, in this context of a multi-party system, I would like to see the Old Conservaties enter into conflict with the Junimists and they forming they're own Constitutionalist Party, as in OTL.
Also, could you please introduce back Conservative leader Lascăr Catargiu? I find his near absence from this TL unfortunate, since he was one of the greatest Conservative leaders in OTL and lead the Conservatives for almost 20 years. I also find his appointment as VP candidate in 1844, at only 21 years, near ASB.
Yes.
Having the Ministry of Internal Affairs aka the money bag of the Government is more important than the VP spot, which is largely ceremonial outside of inheriting the presidency if something happens.
Junimea currently owns the Conservative Party. No conflict would be strong enough to make them up and leave. The Old Conservatives are a dying breed, anyway.
Alright, he'll be featured in the next chapter.
Also, has former Vice-President Dimitrie Sturdza retreated from politics after being dropped out or would we see him again?
Info-chapter III - THE SECOND ROMANIAN PARTY SYSTEM (1868-1886)
INFO-CHAPTER III
THE SECOND ROMANIAN PARTY SYSTEM (1868-1886)
THE SECOND ROMANIAN PARTY SYSTEM (1868-1886)
The Second Romanian Party System (rom. Al doilea sistem de partide din România) also known as the Pure Bipartidist Era (Perioada pur-bipartidă) is a model used to define and periodize the political system that existed in Romania from the Conservative Shift (1868) until the Great Liberal Schism (1886), when the PNL was abandoned by nearly half of its organizations which subsequently reorganized themselves as the Socialist Party and the Republican Party. The Revolutionary Era (1843-1884) that began with the First Party System also ended around the time of the end of the Second Party System, after President Mihail Kogălniceanu, the last major revolutionary figure ended his presidential term in 1884. It was also concomittent with the Short Presidencies Period (Perioada președințiilor scurte) or the One-Termers Era (Perioada unimandatarilor), a period in which no president managed to complete two full terms due to either death in office, failure to be re-elected or decision to not run for a second term. The Second Party System featured more unstable voting patterns than its predecessor, with elections being highly competitive, and no party managing to obtain dominant status. It is regarded by historians and political scientists as an era of re-alignment and instability, in opposition to the stable eras that preceded and succeeded it. The highly divided nature of politics from the First Party System continued in the Second, although clashes were as frequent inside the two parties as they were between them, with the PNL being the most divided, and the continued strife between its internal factions that permeated political discourse being the trigger of the end of two-party politics. The Conservative Party, on the other hand, remained relatively cohesive, but internal bickering manifested itself on occasion. The lack of major ideological disagreements inside the Conservative Party allowed the factions to fight amongst themselves simply for power and stature and not on deep ideological lines as had happened inside the National Liberal Party. Centralization of power continued in both parties, and by the end of the Second Party System both of them had straightforward statutes with clear cut power structures and leaderships. The final part of the period saw the start of the Great Debate, a period of time where political discourse was permeated by two large issues: Colonialism, whether the Romanian republic should pursue a policy of colonization and of spreading its values on the African continent, or if it should abstain from any imperial ambition; Exclusivist democracy vs. Universal Suffrage, whether it would be wise for the Government to expand voting rights to all citizens, including minorities and women and whether it was necessary to maintain a dualist interpretation of the Constitution and only have two large parties that would serve as a check to each other, rather than an open field that would result in continous bickering and slow governance.
Partidul Național Liberal
as Partida Națională (1868-1875)
Status: Active (1868-1886)
Ideology: Classical Liberalism; Cuzism (internal faction); Socialism (internal faction); Social-democracy (internal faction); Marxism (internal faction)
Political ideals and values: constitutionalism; secularism; republicanism; equality; humanism; pro-colonialism; workers’ rights (internal faction)
Foreign policy: Hawk; Dove (internal faction); Pro-British
Leaders: Mihail Kogăniceanu (1868-1870); Ion C. Brătianu (1870-1890)
Presidents of Romania: Mihail Kogălniceanu (1880-1884), C. A. Rosetti (1884-1886)
as Partida Națională (1868-1875)
Status: Active (1868-1886)
Ideology: Classical Liberalism; Cuzism (internal faction); Socialism (internal faction); Social-democracy (internal faction); Marxism (internal faction)
Political ideals and values: constitutionalism; secularism; republicanism; equality; humanism; pro-colonialism; workers’ rights (internal faction)
Foreign policy: Hawk; Dove (internal faction); Pro-British
Leaders: Mihail Kogăniceanu (1868-1870); Ion C. Brătianu (1870-1890)
Presidents of Romania: Mihail Kogălniceanu (1880-1884), C. A. Rosetti (1884-1886)
Reeling from their first major defeat in 1868 and having been disgraced for ousting their own president, the liberals were in dissaray for the next two election cycles when the presidency seemed to elude them completely. Having slowly recovered under the Brătianu leadership and managing to reform party structures thoroughly, the PNL managed to secure a legislative election win in 1876 and that would allow them to challenge President Carp and block his legislative agenda at every turn. While few credit the lack of effectiveness of the Carp presidency on the liberal obstruction, it was very much a deciding factor. As the success of the Carp Administration was dependent upon liberals could return to the Hill, Brătianu and the members of his leadership were bent on blocking any success of the conservative president, and paint all of his initiatives as dangerous or shady. While the plan was overall successful, it must be noted that the Carp Administration was not without its fair share of problems. Nevertheless, Kogălniceanu’s election in 1880, Carp’s failure to obtain a second term and the rapid industrialization of the country which would boost the liberal base meant that PNL was set for another dominance era. Ideological clashes and the lack of interest in cooperation between the red and yellow factions of the party, however, meant that a dominance era had to be postponed indefinitely, as the political scene along with the party itself fragmented beyond recognition.
Factions:
The Red Liberals (Liberalii Roșii) – The group of socialists, social-democrats and Marxists had only grown stronger during the Second Party System as the country knew unprecedent growth, industrialization and a rise in the economic power of the capitalist and magnate class. Espousing a progressive ideology of enfranchisement for the downtrodden and of economic solidarity among all citizenry of the republic, the Reds were marginalized for a long time by the ruling moderate faction of the party who quarreled more with their peers than with their conservative opponents. Their leaving the PNL in 1886 was the event that ended the Second Party System.
Cuziștii – A group that claimed President Alexandru Ioan Cuza’s legacy of strong leadership coupled with steady and continuous social reform. The smallest faction within the PNL they managed to play their cards well, supporting either the Reds or the Moderates whenever it suited their interests. After the Reds left the party, the Cuzists found themselves in a position of weakness in relation to their much large Moderate peers. As such, they founded their own party soon after, provoking a second schism of the liberal movement. Later, they positioned themselves on the pro-colonialism side of the Great Debate. Along with the Moderates, they formed the Anglophile backbone of Romanian politics, being the foremost supporters of the British-Romanian Alliance.
Moderates – The largest group in the PNL for a while, this faction maintained that the country had already finished most of the reforms needed to bring it into the modern era and that only limited and slow reform was needed in order to maintain the course. At the same time, the moderates argued for a less involved government and a laissez-faire approach to economy. Following President Kogălniceanu’s pursuit of a place in the Congress of Berlin, the faction also endorsed colonialism and strongly supported it afterwards.
Partidul Conservator
Status: Active (1868-1886)
Ideology: Conservatism; Romanian Nationalism
Political ideals and values: state capitalism; religious moralism; elitism; pro-colonialism
Foreign policy: Hawk; Pro-German
Leaders: Constantin Brăiloiu (1868-1872); Vasile Conta (1872-1876); Augustin Trifan (1876-1880); Titu Maiorescu (1880-1892)
Presidents of Romania: Barbu Catargiu (1868-1875); Emanoil Costache Epureanu (1875-1876); Petre P. Carp (1876-1880)
Status: Active (1868-1886)
Ideology: Conservatism; Romanian Nationalism
Political ideals and values: state capitalism; religious moralism; elitism; pro-colonialism
Foreign policy: Hawk; Pro-German
Leaders: Constantin Brăiloiu (1868-1872); Vasile Conta (1872-1876); Augustin Trifan (1876-1880); Titu Maiorescu (1880-1892)
Presidents of Romania: Barbu Catargiu (1868-1875); Emanoil Costache Epureanu (1875-1876); Petre P. Carp (1876-1880)
With newfound success after the Conservative Shift, the PC managed to finally secure its place as a national party after a long period of liberal dominance. With the infusion of conservative liberalism, the party was wholly moved to the left and thus became much more viable than previously. Reactionary boyar elements were slowly removed or moderated and the Catargiu presidency proved the party was electable and actually capable of leading the country. Nevertheless, President Catargiu’s assassination proved another hurdle for the party who stumbled in its primary, when outgoing President Epureanu, Catargiu’s successor refused to run for the country’s foremost office and decided to run for the second spot instead. While the winds were definitely still good for the party, with Nominee P. P. Carp winning the presidency in the largest landslide since President Bălcescu’s election, its parliamentary establishment was very clearly running out of energy.
Factions:
Old Conservatives (Conservatorii vechi/Bătrânii conservatori): The oldest brand of ideological conservatives, this faction still espoused pro-boyar and pro-monarchy sentiments, although they weren’t radical in their views and most of them moderated even further as years went by, some going as far as becoming staunch republicans themselves. During the later part of the Second Party System they were themselves differentiated by allegiance: The Old Guard (Garda Veche) – the Catargist wing of the party, supporters of a cautious foreign policy and limited interference outside of Romania’s borders and the Militarii (the military-men), the wing comprised mainly of retired generals and colonels who espoused more aggressive foreign policy perspectives. The foremost faction in the first part of the Second Party System, the Old Conservatives gradually paled in influence, being superseded by the Junimea.
New Conservatives (Conservatorii noi): The liberals chased down by the Cuza leadership of the Partida Națională found themselves a new home in the Conservative Party. Closer to a Western European brand of Conservatism than to the radical Romanian Liberalism, the New Conservatives served as the force that brought the Conservative Party into national prominence and elevated it from its regional position. While they never claimed a position of strength inside the party, they nevertheless influenced it a great deal.
Junimea (literally: The Young Ones): The first republican generation of conservatives, they spent their formative years during the Liberal Dominance Era and evolved an ideology that combined particularities of both conservative liberal thought and traditional Romanian Conservatism. While not direct supporters of aristocracy, the members of this faction espoused an elitist view of Romanian society and were notorious for their philo-germanism and moderate opposition to the British-Romanian Alliance. At the same time, they developed an aggressive foreign policy approach and along with the Militarii were the most ardent supporters of Colonialism in the Conservative Party. During the second half of the Second Party System they gradually took over the party.
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I've got a great idea: how about butterflying away poet Mihai Eminescu's death and, with his mentor Titu Maiorescu in charge of the Conservative Party, him entering into high Romanian politics?
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Actually, it was 1876.
Hasn't it ended with the presidency of C. A. Rosetti? He was one year older then Kogălniceanu and in OTL took part in the Revolution of 1848.
Also, can the 1843 revolutionaries be considered the Founding Fathers of the Republic of Romania?
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Rosetti was not a major revolutionary figure. They don't have such a title ITTL, but you could consider them as such.
Eminescu's death has been butterflied, and I have plans to include him in the high politics of the republic. Don't expect something major, though.
I have to say that a President Eminescu would have been pretty unlikely, but him as Minister of Education, most likely, is great nontheless. Apart from his Mild Anti-Semitism, not uncommon in those times, he had some great ideas about how to shape the Education System and he could rise to rival even Spiru Haret. His ideas about the Education System, if I am allowed, would also be extremely useful to implement today.
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Chapter XXXVI
CHAPTER XXXVI
1888 was a year of many changes in Europe. In Germany, Emperor Wilhelm I died on 9 March and a brief constitutional crisis erupted in the Empire when the electors seemed split between the late emperor's son, Frederick and Archduke and former Emperor of Austria, Franz Joseph. Finally, Frederick was elected Emperor of Germany as Frederick IV to the protests of the southern Catholic German kingdoms, but soon died himself 99 days later, thus leaving the electors a single choice – Franz Joseph was crowned Emperor of Germany later in 1888, which would be known the Year of the Three Emperors. In Prussia, Emperor Frederick was succeeded by his son, King Wilhelm II.
German Imperial Electoral College (March 1888)
Supporting King Frederick III of Prussia
· Prussia
· Mecklenburg
· Oldenburg
· Hesse
Supporting Archduke Franz Joseph of Austria
· Bohemia
· Austria
· Bavaria
German Imperial Electoral College (June 1888)
Supporting King Wilhelm II of Prussia
· Prussia
· Oldenburg
· Mecklenburg
Supporting Archduke Franz Joseph of Austria
· Bohemia
· Austria
· Bavaria
· Hesse
Supporting King Frederick III of Prussia
· Prussia
· Mecklenburg
· Oldenburg
· Hesse
Supporting Archduke Franz Joseph of Austria
· Bohemia
· Austria
· Bavaria
German Imperial Electoral College (June 1888)
Supporting King Wilhelm II of Prussia
· Prussia
· Oldenburg
· Mecklenburg
Supporting Archduke Franz Joseph of Austria
· Bohemia
· Austria
· Bavaria
· Hesse
In France, Emperor Napoleon IV entered the 13th year of his reign, a reign that was definitely not the liberal revival of France many had believed it would. Instead, the young emperor turned out to be more bombastic and impetuous than his late father and his unquenched thirst for power made itself strongly manifested only a few years after his reign had started. Many believed the taste of power completely changed him and that his youth did not help. Nevertheless, save for the Bonapartist faction that supported him, Napoleon was almost universally despised by all other political movements. At the same time, the French Emperor was itching for a fight, seeing his father's acceptance of the German Unification as cowardly and wanted to settle the score with the Empire of Germany, who had peacefully taken over the place of Europe's foremost continental power. Nevertheless, peace went on as Napoleon's rule limped on gaffe to gaffe and one diplomatic incident to another.
A little over half a year had passed since Ioan Em. Florescu had begun his presidential term and the plan of action that he requested from both his Minister of Foreign Affairs and Vice President was finally finished. It included both a general strategy for the occupation of the polities of the proposed Romanian sphere of influence, as well as particular recommendations for how it should be achieved under the different scenarios presented. Its first part detailed general strategy for the three sultanates: Hobyo, Majerteen and Warsangali. The Sultanate of Warsangali was the most Romanian-oriented of the three, since it was the most penetrated by the ARI cells instructed by former Vice President Carada to start amassing influence. Even after the ARI's half-forced return ordered by then-President Rosetti, several undercover agents remained there secretly as reservists in order to continue their mission, as instructed by a group of Conservative and Liberal MPs who were ardent supporters of Romanian colonialism. Sultan Gerad Ali Shire the ruler of the Warsangali was not exactly beloved in his realm, but he held considerable influence and the Romanians decided to exploit that by offering him protectorate status for his realm, while the Romanian administration would secretly rid him of the most troublesome members of the Elder Council, a sort of pseudo-legislative forum, made up by the most influential members of the Warsangali clan, as well as bring a number of vassal tribes that had grown weary of his rule back under his heel. Since Italian influence was low in this sultanate and a confrontation was not likely with the Somalis, the memo recommended the signing of a treaty of protection as fast as possible, and advised the president to also start offering boons to potential Romanian colonists that could start developing the local economy. The Sultanates of Hobyo and Majerteen were much more difficult by comparison. In fact, Minister Vlădescu and his delegation were amazed by how developed the two sultanates were in terms of institutions. Both had an established and strongly centralized state apparatus, as well as a functioning bureaucracy and standing armies. At the same time, the two sultans were rivals, as the Sultan of Hobyo was an upstart that had managed to carve his realm out of his cousin's own. The two were often at each other's throats and for this very reason Italian influence was more successful in Majerteen. The moment when Yusuf Ali Kenadid learned of a potential treaty that was to be signed by his cousin and rival with the Italians, he decided that a treaty with the Government of Romania would better serve his interests. At the same time the Italians tried to convince both of them accept their protection in exchange for a guarantee of their borders and a permanent truce. Nevertheless, while Romanian influence was stronger in Hobyo than it was in Majerteen, it was still badly weakened by the years of non-combat of the latter half of President Rosetti's term. For Majerteen and Hobyo, the recommended scenario was a treaty of protection with the Sultan of Hobyo as well as propping him up to take over Majerteen as well, by either threatening Sultan Osman Mahammud to renounce his title or face war, or by outright declaration of war in conjunction with Kenadid. A milder solution was to attempt treaties with both sultans by offering them more advantages than the Italians, although that would prove difficult as the proposed treaty by Italy was already the bare minimum one could sign and still be considered a colonial overlord. The combined population of these three polities stood at around 750 000 souls, and the memo emphasized that with the current trend of population growth in Romania, the future colony could be supplemented with at least 300 000 Romanian middle class strata that would boost local economy and bring forth the modernization the area needed for further exploitation. This was to be done with the help of a state-sanctioned programme, similar to the one that was employed in the Western Plain.
The second part of the plan of action detailed the incorporation of Abyssinia, and the drafters of the report stressed the importance of the fact unlike the sultanates and other polities of Africa, Abyssinia was indeed a state in the modern sense of the word. The country had a fairly modern monarchical system, together with a line of succession and a minimal cabinet government. At the same time, the terrain of the country was detailed to be hilly, rugged and difficult for a potential invasion, especially since Romania was not particularly well-versed in colonial warfare. Abyssinia also had an estimated population of 8-13 million, considerably larger than the sultanates, and could prove a handful for a potential colonial administration. As such, it was advised that the president not pursue any military conflict with the country, but rather try to appease and inform the local ruler that their country will come under Romanian protection and that their interests will be held in the highest regard if they did so. It was also advised that Romania immediately begin preparations and drills so that a potential colonial army could more easily take a stance if war would be imminent, be it with any local polity or with another colonial power. Finally, the report added that, while the Romanian Navy was entirely capable of projecting power overseas, it would be more capable to respond to crises if it had a base of operations closer to the future colonial possessions. The memo recommended an acquisition of either the Dodecanese islands or the island of Crete from the Ottoman Empire to better connect Romania to the Horn of Africa.
President Florescu now found himself in the difficult position of having to petition Parliament for a war against the Sultanate of Majerteen or face failure in his promise of a great imperial project for Romania. A war with the Ottoman Empire over a base of operations in the Aegean was also extremely difficult to ask of Parliament, especially when the conservatives did not have an absolute majority, and even if they had, many would be fully opposed to the war. This meant that a declaration of war needed the support of a large part of the PNL members of Parliament, something that would be close to political suicide for them. At the same time, public opinion was decidedly against a potential European war in any kind of capacity and a lack of credible casus belli could have cost Florescu his re-election in 1892. This meant that the president had to force both the Ottoman Empire and the Sultanate of Majerteen to declare war on Romania themselves, so as to avoid the trappings of his country's political system. A well conducted war could also boost the credentials of the president. This would not be especially easy to achieve, but ways to reach such a conclusion were not out of grasp. One would be to once again stir nationalism in Romania's neighbours and protégés, Serbia and Bulgaria. British-aligned Greece would also be willing to join a war against the Ottomans to obtain territories they believed belonged to them. Nevertheless, it needed to be a moderate solution, as Britain would never accept a completely broken Ottoman Empire that could easily be taken over by the Russians in the Caucasus and Asia Minor.
President Florescu decided to act and ARI cells were sent to contact King Karlo of Serbia and King Leopold of Bulgaria, as well as the representatives of the Government in Bulgaria. King Karlo maintained over cautiousness and gave the message that he was willing to force a war with the Ottomans if Romania was to fully guarantee that it would join such a war. He demanded both Bosnia and Montenegro and the province of Vardar-Banovina be attached to Serbia. The Bulgarians, aware of the Serbian claims on Vardar-Banovina, and much more sympathetic to the idea of war with the Ottoman Empire, also claimed the area along with Western Thrace. The Bulgarian prime-minister also reminded the Romanian administration that Bulgaria aligned with Romanian interests during the Crimean War and declared war on the Russians unlike the Serbs who decided to sit on the wrong side of the conflict. The Bulgarians also implied that if push came to shove, they could obtain these territories from the Russian Empire much more easily. President Florescu was now trapped between the colonial interests of his own cabinet and party, but his electoral promises as well (although many would agree that his election was by no means due to promises of empire) on one side, and the interests of the Romanian spherelings in Europe. Both Serbia and Bulgaria were invaluable to the maintenance of Romania's Great Power status and their loss in favour of the Russians would most definitely trigger an international crisis. The president ultimately decided to favour the Bulgarians, and an ARI envoy was sent to both the Serbian and Bulgarian governments to present them with the new borders. Surprisingly, the Serbian government accepted the plan, which Minister Vlădescu attributed to not wanting to upset their people, who were decidedly for the annexation of Bosnia and Montenegro much more than they wanted Vardar-Banovina.
In November 1888, both Bulgaria and Serbia began their agitation campaigns in the territories of the Ottoman Empire and both of them started threatening war over the perceived bad treatment of Christians in Ottoman Europe. Initially confident that it could take on both Serbia and Bulgaria, the Ottoman Empire started to back down when it realized Britain and Romania would most certainly get involved. Acting as the leader of the foremost power in the Balkans, President Florescu sent the Sultan the diplomatic message that as the times were changing, Ottoman presence in the Balkans and Eastern Europe was not to be tolerated for much longer by the nationalist governments of the newly created states, and advised him to peacefully retreat and not threaten the stability of his country for little gain – sooner or later, the Turks will be driven out, and it would be better to do so with minimal bloodshed. Furthermore, the president invited an Ottoman delegation to participate at a conference in Bucharest where the dismantling of Ottoman Europe could be discussed. At the same time, nationalist agitation and border friction between the Empire and the Balkan states prompted the Albanians to begin their own revolt which went on to become a full-blown revolution by the end of January 1889. The Conference of Corona took place on 15 March 1889 and the resolution that came out of it was by no means obtained without difficulty. The Serbian and Bulgarian delegations did not particularly fight over their positions, since they did not want to alienate the British or the Romanians, but nonetheless made their requests clear. The first decision was made was simply to recognize the reality on the ground, ergo that the nascent Albanian state was now a sovereign nation. The strongest support for this came from President Florescu himself, who wanted to prop up an Albanian republic to act as a sort of buffer between the three-way Serbian-Bulgarian-Greek rivalry. Second on the list of issues was the acquisition by Romania of the Dodecanese Islands and a part of the island of Crete, as well as Britain's acquisition of Cyprus. This was, of course, strongly opposed by the Greeks who wanted a full reunification of their country, and who demanded further territories in Asia Minor as compensation, some of their delegates going as far as asking for the cession of Constantinople itself. Nevertheless, as all potential signatories had already acquiesced to British and Romanian mediation and the decision had already been made. Finally, the border changes discussed before were agreed upon. The Ottoman Empire was left only with Eastern Thrace and Constantinople in Europe, forfeiting all of its other possessions to the Balkan States. The expectation of the Florescu administration was that it would be bellicose and flamboyant. The cold pragmatism and the ability to swiftly navigate the interests of its neighbours, allies and enemies and managing to leave a conflictual situation unscathed and victorious, made the new president's approvals skyrocket. The success of the Conference of Corona was sure to be the hallmark of the Florescu presidency, and at that point his re-election was assured had he not suprisingly died in his sleep in the night of 12 April 1889, less than a year after his inauguration. The next day, Gheorghe Manu and the most senior conservative senator at the time, Lascăr Catargiu took the oaths that elevated them to the presidency and vice presidency, respectively.
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